Resumen Latinoamericano and the Third World
by Carlos Aznarez
Venezuela, situated in the worst possible scenarios, is challenging the consciousness of many Latin Americans. How is it possible that a mediocre opposition without a political program, beyond a desire for revenge against Chavism, has achieved such favorable result that practically puts them at the gates of the presidency?
Without a doubt, there are many reasons for the current situation, some induced by the enemy and some caused by contradictions and mistakes of the revolutionary process itself, from which no process is exempt.
Nicolás Maduro was right when he pointed out, early in the morning of December 7, that above all, the economic war triumphed, and put the counter-revolution on the brink of getting the power so longed for by its mentors in Washington. A war that practically became an internal blockade in these last two years, from within the country itself, to undermine, day after day, the willpower of the Venezuelan people, who heroically resisted the oil strike in 2002, and continued resisting from then on.
The economic war translates into: women and men anxious to feed their children having to endure long hours of waiting outside the supermarkets, lack of milk, flour, toilet paper, soap and other products that are criminally kept under lock and key by the economic powers. Or worse, products needed in the city are smuggled to Colombia. One has to live this situation to understand the frustration it causes, which always ends up directed at those ‘above’, not only the actual operators of these lethal strategies — unscrupulous millionaire entrepreneurs linked to the most despicable right — but also, almost logically, at the government in power.
There can be no doubt that this people, with the level of consciousness acquired in these past 15 years of revolution, demands that the government provide an immediate solution to this matter, that the government apply all its strength so that those who get richer from the pain of the most humb le don’t keep humiliating them, and that the government not hesitate if there is a need to nationalize, expropriate, and fill the jails with the commercial criminals. To take that a step further, to nationalize foreign commerce and repair the structural damage of the problems that remain since the Fourth Republic in Venezuela.
The possibility of acknowledging these urgent demands, formulated over and over, generate a pit of despair when there is no response, and from there to resignation — physical and mental — there is only one step. The opposition, which has always encouraged these situations, was able to take advantage.
But there are more reasons, similar to those that all progressive and revolutionary processes have been suffering on the continent. Media terrorism, indeed. That deadly cascade of lies coming from local and foreign media, creators of imaginary scenarios, managers of destabilization maneuvers and masters of the production of new ‘leaders’ — like imprisoned coup leader Leopoldo López — who appeal to the institutionalization of the oppressors as “victims”. Take the case of the wife of imprisoned leader, Lilian Tintori, who traveled the world thanks to the cash flow from the international anti-Chavist coalition (that includes Aznar, Felipe González, Pastrana, Tuto Quiroga and Uribe Vélez), to gain recruits for her crusade against — democratically elected — ‘Maduro, the dictator’.
Perhaps all these elements would have not been enough to reach the current situation, if it weren’t for the constant presence of the Empire and a long list of allies behind each and every move against the Venezuelan government. It is precisely thanks to this special actor that, since the moment that Chavez arrived to the presidency, gave green light to the implementation of all kinds of mechanisms to overthrow his government. In the same way in which they tried to do with Fidel and Raúl Castro’s Cuba —but with different results
The Empire is the main enemy of the revolution that is now at the e dge, and we must not forget it. But, at the same time, it could be the element that causes a great and urgent effort for the reconstruction of popular forces to face it in every possible way. It is not about losing an election, it is about the possibility of losing a revolution, because it may take years or even centuries to recover a similar scenario.
Everything suggests that we must not surrender or fall into a paralyzing depression. We still have our Motherland. We are racing against the clock, so we can not afford to doubt or fall into the timid, defeatist social-democratic proposals that abound within the process, induced by European ‘advisers’ that are not important in their own countries. It is about defending the social conquests: the missions, education, the housing projects, the land distributed. Against all of this the right will surely fight. To yield and give them the achievements would be suicidal.
We must harden the revolutionary process, listen to what is said in the neighborhoods, go for all, despite the circumstances. it may not be successful, but it is worth trying. There is a leadership, from Nicolás Maduro, the man in whom Commander Chávez placed all of his hope and trust. The chief of an army of humble people and patriots he has achieved a difficult task, despite the pains.
What else do we need to have the courage to take the streets? We are still in time, and it is worth to remember in these tough circumstances, that premonitory phrase pronounced by Fidel Castro after the landing of the ‘Granma’: ‘We have 10 men and 10 rifles, and we are going to win the Revolution’. After 57 years of this feat, Cuba is still standing.
Hat tip to http://mltoday.com/